Recipe For Funkychunky Chocolate Popcorn

A climate of permanent global war. What working hypotheses about the link between conflicts and natural resources?

article written for Peace Mosaic
March 2010



in 2004 caused a sensation by the publication of a Pentagon report on climate change. It was thought that even if the Pentagon decided to take a position, then the situation was really serious, but not tried to understand what was behind the news, or to conduct a complete the link between security models and environmental issues and sustainability. In 2007, the United Kingdom initiated an unprecedented climate debate in the Security Council of the United Nations, strongly criticized by developing countries who did not accept the idea of \u200b\u200ba debate of such importance in a forum where the majority of countries " polluters "still have the power to veto. Since then the issue became the subject of new processing and proposals that have helped to build an approach that is today called "environmental" or "sustainable security", which marks the entry into the field of the military and strategic studies centers in issues the urgency of changing development paradigm.
It is estimated that at least 1 / 5 of the wars on the planet has to do with natural resources and the environment. According to the report "Sustainable Security for the XXI Century" Oxford Research Group, climate change is, together with the competition on scarce natural resources and strategic, one of the causes of future nailed together with a nuclear arms race and social marginalization caused by neoliberal policies. The processing path to the climate conference in Copenhagen has seen unprecedented investments, with retired generals, scientists and analysts gathered in the Military Advisory Council, who have examined the possible impact of climate on the new wars in terms of strategy and reconfiguration of security doctrines. It is estimated that climate change could lead to violent conflict in at least 46 countries, impacting a population of 2.7 billion people. Given the failure of the Copenhagen conference, under the framework for the global ecological perspective continues to be alarming. The drama of environmental refugees could reach catastrophic proportions, not only in the island (it is enough to Tuvalu, Comoros, Maldives, and others were threatened in their very existence, but also in areas with shortages of essential resources such as land, water and Food, Exacerbation of latent conflicts or causing new. Faced with this huge ecological debt already accumulated stands almost nonexistent political will of countries in the global North to drop their model production and economics of fossil fuels or hazardous solutions such as agrofuels. In this framework will be unavoidable to address the issue of climate and energy in terms of fairness and security, developing an approach that can counteract what he means and defuse security through the lens of military control of sources of supply or poor risk. This is the basic philosophy pursued by NATO taking over one of the "mission" approved following a review of its strategic concept made in Washington in 1999, even suggests the use of its rapid deployment forces to ensure the continuity of 'energy supply. Weapons and soldiers would be sent to monitor the routes of oil tankers, pipelines or gas pipelines or to protect. It is no coincidence that the former executive chairman of Shell is now - along with Madeleine Albright - the head of the working group is currently in charge of the further review of the strategic concept of NATO. As it is no coincidence that another ex - president of the Shell and then consultant to the CIA was among the authors of the Pentagon report in 2004. The oil wars have another dark side, those resulting from the devastating effects of the extraction of oil or other fossil fuels that have exacerbated latent conflicts in socially fragile areas such as the Niger Delta, or in Darfur. The latter, that would be able to define interventional vulgata genocide, has instead been defined by the United Nations first war caused by climate change and this confirms the complexity of the problem and the futility of using definitions that might pave the way to false solutions. The real cause of the conflict in Darfur is competing for scarce resources (land and water) between nomadic and sedentary, strained by desertification caused by climate change. The paradox is that those people suffer doubly dependence fossil fuels that characterizes the dominant development model. On one side are suffering a war caused by the demands of suburban areas to a fair access to royalties from oil taken from multinational enterprises, and socio-environmental impacts of the extraction of oil and its combustion by climate change. There is therefore a great paradox, which is repeated elsewhere in Africa, where the aims of strategic control of transnational companies are intertwined with those of the ruling elite, with the inequities in the redistribution of profits from the extraction of oil, and with ' social and environmental impacts thereof. In addition, that although great producer and exporter of oil, Sudan experienced a severe energy shortage that would be partly satisfied by the recovery of hydro power. This possibility introduces new critical element represented by the popular movements of resistance generated by the discontent caused by the construction of two dams in the north, perceived by local populations as a threat to their traditional cultures. The geopolitics of water is another key theme in the analysis of the link between natural resources and conflict. One need only recall the case of Palestine, or the use of strategic large dams done by the Turkish government to colonize and control the Kurdistan, with the example of the Ilisu Dam. What is interesting in this context is the possibility that through collective agreements and use of transboundary waters can build peace and reconciliation projects Trai peoples. Already in 2005, the Worldwatch Institute reported the results of a research conducted by the University of Oregon that largely dispel the myth of "water wars". The last 50 years have in fact seen only 37 conflicts over water with the use of force, 30 of which one between Israel and neighboring countries. 507 were cases of political and diplomatic on conflict between countries for the control or management of water, while well 1228 are the events that led to the conclusion of cooperation agreements. Therefore, rather than be a factor of war, or at least nell'aggravarsi contributory cause of conditions that then lead to conflicts, the water can be an instrument for building peace. Is not just in the tank of our car that materializes a link in the chain that binds our models of development to environmental destruction and competition for scarce natural resources, the environment and existing or potential armed conflict, including in the circuits of a phone, for example, hides the last link in a war economy, fueled illegal extraction of coltan, a mineral policy in Congo sold to buy weapons with which to fight the bloody wars in Africa. They are wars fueled illegal extraction of resources (not need, as in the case of oil, major infrastructure) and the vicious circle that links to the illegal arms trade, the activities of warlords and mercenary forces.
Water, oil, climate change, competition over scarce resources are the key elements that allow the construction of an approach that focuses on the rights of any solution to environmental and ecological justice next to that of people's diplomacy and from below, in order to transform also international cooperation in peace-building tool active. The necessary revision of the concept of safety and pollution prevention policy and non-violent conflict resolution will not actually propose tools that allow each and every one to understand as through their lifestyles will contribute negatively or positively to peace building. On the negative side first, since our ecological rucksack, or rather our ecological footprint tramples the rights of other people, takes them a bit 'of water, land, timber, minerals, and has an impact on their lives twice. Before draining resources and then returning them as waste material, liquid or gas, taking away their other food, water and earth. The figures speak to us then of possible new wars, those of the poor, not just NATO, but those of the millions of underprivileged who lose their sources of their already difficult existence. Will be wars and hidden underground, those that will not be the first titles media attention or not will not come easily because of the movements in the lexicon-imperialist or post-colonial or international solidarity. The environmental issue becomes paradigmatic of the new cosmopolitan politics. A condition that includes a new element, the transnational and intergenerational equity. In other words, the ecological justice. As specified in one of his reports the Wuppertal Institute ("For a future fair, conflicts over resources and global justice" by Wolfgang Sachs) "the first ecological justice concerns the biosphere, the second focuses on the inter-relationship between those living now and future generations. Extends the principle equity on the time axis. Nevertheless, these concepts show a gap, do not take into account the institutions created by men and their interrelationships. E 'therefore urgent to put in question the model of well-being of modern industry. "A further challenge for the peace movement, and through this analysis is key to building strong alliances with the movements that deal with environmental and climate justice to develop a model nonviolent conflict resolution and prevention of "reconciliation" with the planet and its inhabitants.

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My statement of support on the Left, Freedom and Ecology

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from Copenhagen to Cancun, the narrow path of justice climate

from 9 to 11 next April will be meeting in Bonn of the official working groups that will pick up the thread of the negotiations on climate change, after the debacle of Copenhagen. A complex task that will require a strong awareness of the urgency of the situation. Nevertheless, the premise does not seem to allow a great optimism. Even recently in the statement on the issue of climate negotiations, the European Commission has given to understand that is not expected to result in the final meeting of the Conference of the Parties to be held in November in Cancun in Mexico and that a binding agreement on reducing emissions will only possible at the COP17 to be held in 2011 in South Africa. That even in nations
United air is heavy it is proved by the recent clash at a distance between the United Nations secretary general Ban Ki Moon UN special envoy on climate change, the former Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland who had suggested the need to proceed to negotiations separate from the United Nations. To better understand the stakes in the coming months worth to retrace the steps that led to the flop of Copenhagen. COP15 that could not exert a significant result was very clear to all those who in 2009 had had the opportunity to follow the negotiations and negotiations. Already in June, the decision of the Secretary of the Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Yvo de Boer, now resigned, adding to the already full agenda of events other two dates suggests that countries' positions were far apart and that could be difficult to agree on legally binding reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. In short, the game itself was complex in a disappointing start to end. To better understand the scope should summarize what they were and still are the most controversial issues. The first concerns the Kyoto Protocol on reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and follow-up to the commitments made by signatory countries from 2012 onwards. Largely unfulfilled commitments by developed countries and developing countries which called for an accountability clear, recalling the historic debt that the rich northern hemisphere has accumulated to the South Main object of contention was and is a commitment to limit future emissions to a level that would limit the increase in temperature. The figures are crucial in this case, the difference of half a degree (2 to 1.5 degrees) could mean the disappearance of entire nations, such as those Pacific island. The second block of shops for initiatives to be undertaken as part of a new binding agreement on climate. The negotiations have been developed around the so-called "shared vision" or the values \u200b\u200band founding principles of the international community to address the climate crisis and support patterns economic and productive low carbon content and programs for adaptation, mitigation and transfer of clean technologies. Main bone of contention is the amount of financial resources, with developing countries requiring at least 100 billion dollars a year for programs for adaptation and mitigation of climate change, and ensuring access to clean technologies .. Without a clear commitment to reduce emissions of rich countries and an equally clear commitment in terms of financial resources, any agreement would have been so unacceptable to developing countries. In mid-2009 it was clear that the U.S. reluctance to accept binding commitments to reduce emissions gas emissions, the tightening of developing countries in supporting the relevance and centrality of the Kyoto Protocol, rather than a progressive weakening of its targeted to meet the demands of Washington, el 'absolute absence of the European Union would create the prerequisites for a successful low-profile in Copenhagen. The 'Copenhagen Agreement "was concluded without the consent of all governments, and therefore not be ratified as the official result of the Conference. Among other things, the document contains no binding commitments to reduce emissions, but a series of voluntary commitments to be verified during construction, no clear proposals on how to obtain the necessary financial resources for climate policies without resorting to financial markets or "recycle" the already scarce funds for poverty alleviation. To try to find a solution to the problem of financial resources, in March of this year, Ban Ki Moon has established an ad hoc working group headed by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and President Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia. Apart from the already disappointing content of the negotiations at COP15, the present risk is that the United Nations headquarters should be gradually abandoned for parallel negotiations, a risk made more evident by the controversy between Ban Ki Moon and the Brundtland. No coincidence that immediately after Copenhagen have followed the controversy on the excessive complexity of the rules of UN stride with urgency to take immediate steps to save the planet. In light of the lack of political will of the vast majority of developed countries to repay their accumulated ecological debt to the rest of humanity these arguments seem quite specious. Nevertheless, the U.S. reiterated their intention to consider the agreement in Copenhagen as the only basis on which to continue the negotiations, raising the strong protest of the countries in the developing world. The road to the conference to be held in Cancun, Mexico in late November is therefore an uphill struggle. Among the various hypotheses in the field to proceed to split and reach agreement on issues critical to less then focus on more complex ones such as one concerning reductions of greenhouse gas emissions. That is parallel to the official negotiations are going on other informal meetings, held in Mexico from mid-March to the one proposed in May by Chancellor Angela Merkel. On his behalf the Bolivian government convened a conference on the rights of the peoples of Mother Earth and the Climate Justice to be held in Cochabamba 19 to 2 April next in order to contribute to boost the global initiative of social movements on issues of climate justice . The intention of attending the conference should produce a work plan and a common platform on ecological debt, rights of Mother Earth of indigenous peoples and climate refugees, inter alia, proposing the establishment of an international tribunal on crimes climate. Other meetings are being held on specific issues such as protection of forests, the so-called "Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation" (REDD), a first meeting on REDD, held in Paris in March, behind closed doors and without the participation of representatives indigenous, to start a partnership for forests would be signed in Oslo just before the meeting of the Conference on Climate Change scheduled for late May in Bonn. In the aftermath of Copenhagen, the only program that seems to be exactly what is on the protection of tropical forests for which Copenhagen were announced commitments for $ 3.5 billion that could reach 8 billion. The idea is to give money to countries to protect tropical forests, stop deforestation, and ensure that they can absorb greenhouse gases. The egg of Columbus for those countries who want to continue burning coal and oil, a possible threat to the millions of indigenous people who live in tropical forests, which require as a condition of respect for their fundamental rights. A theme, human rights and climate, which has lapped the official negotiations but so far failed to make a breakthrough "cultural" and political negotiations are still too focused on numbers and science and a little on justice and equity.
published on the websites of the Left, Freedom and Ecology , March 2010
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The pillars of the new policy

Try to draw a path that passes through the various processes that are aimed at our country's goal of transforming the politics is what difficult but not impossible. Certainly, the long-wave movements, and then practiced as theorized, is a period CROSSED originally defined karst, then without being able to grasp the features. The state of fatigue through the process of Social Forums, is perhaps the result of different expectations that are placed in these processes. Certainly in Italy, As elsewhere in Europe, these social movements are able partly to re-emerge on specific issues and specific, such as contrast to the processes of privatization of water, or climate change. To delineate the potential of a period of political crisis stronger - not just institutional - to the left, and it sounds even spread their left-wing and social terms, but will have to start with an act of self-criticism. Question - for example - on the grounds of the contemporary political crisis between the left and his disappearance from the scene institutional, el 'undeniable difficulties of "civil society" in proposing new projects and practice processes and the potential to affect deeply and re-enable the widespread commitment to another possible world. It will be necessary to ask whether that is the inability of the "political" institution to provide the right answers, is also due to the fact that these questions were posed in ways that have not had effects not only on the objective sought, but also the construction of new practices. The relationship between so-called civil society and political institutions in many instances was set to report vertical rather than horizontal. This applies not only to the "institutional policy" that has too often taken as an "icon" the most important instances of the movement and society civil, but also for those people who often preferred to deal with that level of politics only as a place of interest or relapse of their claims. The contemporary crisis - and obvious - the Left "politics" and - perhaps apparent - the left-wing political questions and then spread it on the principle and scope of the claim to autonomy of the social politics, and why such autonomy has not hit the mark ' effect of transforming - with a few exceptions - the forms and practices of representation and participation at the highest level. Let's step forward. Reality for economic solidarity today try to play a further investigation to "theoretical" on best practices of decrease, which is essential to strengthen the hypothesis of changing patterns of production and consumption. The real problem is that this is not enough. And not just because there are already so-called best practices, which insist on so-called "territories", but because while you are preparing to study theoretical models of a perfect society, in the outside world, where they develop and consume social conflict, people suffer a degenerative process of democracy that requires a collective effort of resistance, disobedience, and creativity in order to leave open spaces and defend minimum and practicability of law essential to the future work of reconstruction. Then there are those who continue to disputes urgently needed food, such as committees against the various harmful effects, nuclear, privatization of common goods. Are important processes that can help create a network of reality and people who can rebuild a connective tissue network, on issues and approaches that claim direct democracy, fundamental rights. This process of "democracy at kilometer zero", together with the mobilization of migrant organizations, help build a third pillar, in political jargon one would say that the transition from democracy in the "stakeholder" to that of the "rightsholder". That is the transition from traditional processes, typical of liberal democracy, where civil society was placed between the representations of the various interests involved, that the state would then helped mediate the processes of self-representation and vindication of rights holders, its a participatory and radical democracy. The problem here is to go further to help build a potential project for the company, a program that is political in that sense. There are some who draws from experiences overseas in the continent latinamericano in continuous turmoil, the inspiration to renew the policy. What the Latin American movements teach us is that in addition to the ethical point of reference "buen vivir ', there are three hypotheses workable policies: either to take power through traditional means of representation, and then exercise it in a more or less innovative, decide not to take power but to exercise power but not so much as in the "power" that comes from his own subjectivity , history and cosmology, (this is the case with many indigenous and social movements) or deal with the power and the institutional policy in a mode variable geometry, building projects that is common, but not hesitating to open conflict in order to keep the path of social transformation. These practices even though their context, circumstances and history of the peoples in those lands, are the urgent need to rework the concept of power, understood as "taking control room," but as an opportunity to serve the common good. It follows that democracy can not be considered a process performed but it is always in the pipeline, and feeds - and above all - the ability to activate and practice conflicts and disputes. Revolutions "citizens" in some Latin American countries it can not be confined to the practices of those governments, but derive meaning from the most profound changes taking place in those societies as a byproduct from the rise to power of political parties "progressive" . Other subjects then practice autonomy, trying to build its own space in the "liberated" a case of society as possible, accessible, alternative. Again these processes have great potential, in addition to resistance, open space to practice "other", a web of radical and critical theory paradigm, but at the same time as the construction of places of artistic and cultural production and processing. These processes and experiences prove that art, politics, and culture may be three separate instruments, but intrinsically related to a project to transform the existing. There are some who are trying to build new parties or political formations, essentially on a local or regional level, with the intention of being able to give representation to various instances of the "left" social. The idea of \u200b\u200bbeing able to articulate innovative forms of representation on a local basis, but can not ignore the need to recognize that today the political action - even if carried out locally owned and new municipalities - need a broader, places of Convergence and preparation that go beyond geographical boundaries and ideals of the so-called "territories". And let them try to practice this interrelationship between local and global, and vice versa which makes obsolete the very concept of "territory". We come to the last point of analysis In this rapid survey of analytical forms and practices of "good" policy. As said earlier, the parties 'traditional' left are the "disappeared" from the institutional stage, and they suffer a crisis of the proposal, development and identity. The galaxy of social left, despite the difficulties, continues to exist and operate in the country recognizes only partly in the left-wing parties. A disaffection that was expressed at a high rate of abstention in recent elections, and the shift of part of the consensus from other political formations in the name of renewal "moral" policy (see for example the rise of the "purple people") or the choice of the useful vote. The political parties of the left was affected in much the price of not being able to grasp the real innovations that came from the Socialist Left and widespread, and could still fall back on practices that have caused the virtual disappearance in our country. On this you will need to ask himself who now continues with great obstinacy and devotion to keeping alive nodes of resistance and alternative practices. The central question will be whether and under what conditions the "parties" may be fellow travelers, or rather are no obstacles, or even worse, irrelevant subject, in this process of reconstruction of good policy. Another stop on the way then that will be not to avoid a critical, responsible and practice, with the parties of the left, reaching even to contemplate the possibility of a pact of labor between the various components of the left "social" and then propose it to the parties of the left. An agreement between equal parties, which recognizes the equal dignity and the desire to experiment with new methods and practices around key issues. These include nuclear and water rights, rights of migrants, GLBQT and citizenship, justice and poverty in the country, the construction of peace through nuclear disarmament and support the resistance against the base in Vicenza. A paper two possible tasks, to continue in its efforts to resume the threads of the left, to the social and diffuse, and try to do the same with alternative media, from magazines, radio, bloggers, creating a virtual space - but also practical - for comparison and collective elaboration.
paper written for the magazine in April 2010

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What justice for the Tamils?

After the presidential elections in March, the next policy in Sri Lanka could reaffirm the rule of the party leaders reconfirmed Rajapaksa, former head together another presidential candidate, General Fonseka, of serious crimes against humanity committed in the last period of the war that led to the annihilation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) but with this also to the deaths of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians. That the Tamil question can not be relegated to another closely related to regional balance, and control strategies in China and India in the delicate arena, as demonstrated by the recent "clash" between the diplomatic UN Secretary Ban Ki Moon and the government Sri Lanka supported by the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement. The first publicly confirmed its intention to form a group of experts who will investigate human rights violations carried out also by the Government of Sri Lanka. In this proposal the non-aligned countries responded with a letter in which he intimated very hard to leave Ban this respect, because by doing so the UN would have seriously violated the sovereignty of one of its member states. The following is an interview that explains the reasons and conclusions of a session of the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal devoted to their responsibility for the massacres of Tamil civilians, held in Dublin in January.


www.lettera22.it
http://www.ifpsl.org
www.internazionaleleliobasso.it
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp? NewSID = 34102 & Cr = + sri lanka & CR1 =



SRI LANKA, TRUTH 'ON CRIME WAR 8/2/10


The Permanent Peoples' Tribunal met in January to establish the responsibility of the Sri Lankan government in the massacre of thousands of Tamils \u200b\u200bduring the last acts of the civil war. Francesco Martone, a member of the PPT, explains the findings of the investigation.

Junko Terao

Monday 'February 8, 2010


been nearly eight months after the end of nearly three decades of civil war between the government and Tamil rebels, but the ways in which the Sri Lankan army has had the better not yet been verified. For weeks, the army continued to shoot and throw grenades on the 'no fire zones', where 250 thousand were trapped along with the Tamil Tigers of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam). For more than six months, the Tamil refugees were detained in camps run by the military and unable to move or communicate with the outside. Banned from the north of the country, humanitarian organizations, put them all journalists. The Government does not accept criticism and the international community so far has not done anything. A few days before the re-election of Rajapaksa, the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal had published the report of the committee called to verify the alleged crimes against humanity committed by the Sri Lankan government and army during the final offensive against the Tamil Tigers. Also test the alleged responsibility of the international community in the failure of the ceasefire of 2002 between the LTTE Sri Lankan government. Francesco Martone, a member of the Committee which met in Dublin in mid-January, tells us what they concluded.
Where is the game of your investigation?

We had a specific request from the network of NGOs Irish Forum for Peace in Sri Lanka, which has provided us with a series of documents outlining possible war crimes and crimes against humanity that were made especially in the last period of the offensive final. In fact, there Ifpsl had submitted two documents: one that in describing the possible crimes against humanity and the second qualifying the possible crimes against peace. The idea was to see if it was possible to identify the legal responsibility of the international community with regard to breaking the ceasefire and the political unwillingness to support a negotiated solution. The third point on which some of the applicants have requested an opinion is the possible existence of crimes of genocide.

On what did you based?

We heard testimonies of various kinds: those of some representatives of the Tamils \u200b\u200bliving in the camps during the conflict, including aid workers and volunteers, including some military Scandinavian Independent monitoring force - created to check the tightness of the ceasefire of 2002 - who told us about the genesis of the post cease-fire. We have also heard the opinion of analysts of Sri Lanka. All behind closed doors and safe because we had received warnings of possible threats.

What have you done?

With regard to crimes against humanity, there is strong evidence - we have watched the videos that they feel, so it was not difficult to verify, especially because there are clear parameters, both in the Treaty of Rome is in the Geneva Convention. With regard to crimes against peace, was a little complicated from a legal definition of when or who had made these crimes. What we choose to do is to indicate some sort of direct responsibility of the international community in the breakdown of the ceasefire of 2002. Surely one of the contributing factors was the decision of the European Union to enter the Tamil organizations, including the LTTE, including terrorist groups. A decision which the EU has come under pressure particularly in the United States and Britain on one side and reduced the scope of the EU to play a role as impartial arbiter, the other gave further authorization Sri Lankan government to pursue a military solution to the Tamil question and justify it as an integral part of the war against terrorism. Next, we tested the joint responsibility of countries that have supplied arms to the Government of Sri Lanka during the ceasefire. There is strong evidence for the supply of weapons by some countries such as India, Israel, Czech Republic, Ukraine and Great Britain, who had trained some of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. The other co-responsibility for failure of the international community has been the inability of the UN Human Rights Council to reach a commitment to send a mission in Sri Lanka or at least put the issue under discussion. The same goes for the Security Council: Mexico, at the time, had asked that the debate on Sri Lanka was put on the agenda but Russia opposed. And the UN Human Rights Council, according to the information we have gained, in fact it created a united front of the G77 argued that Sri Lanka saying that the matter could not be put on the agenda because it would be a misuse The issue of human rights. The lack of initiative by the UN was one of the factors that have contributed to increasing the resilience of the ceasefire. But the lack of action during the course of the last military action, in fact, did not help the cause of the civilian population.

Based on the evidence it heard that idea has made the current situation still live in camps where a hundred thousand people?

The situation appears to be partially improved. At least the refugees can leave the camps are no longer segregated. But the problem is figuring out where they were sent to 150 thousand people who are no longer in the camps. It appears that you have been sent to other places, however, subject to military control. What happened then, the 11 thousand people that you do not have news? However there is no independent verification: humanitarian organizations do not have access to the fields and places where there are the Tamil civilians. The situation in the north is still worrying because there is a strong militarization and resettlement programs are managed without the participation of international organizations or of the same Tamil. What

recommended to resolve the situation?

First of all missions to be held, and independent monitoring for the next parliamentary elections in March, and is assured a free and peaceful debate during the election campaign. Why is the great problem of attacks on press freedom: we have talked to several Tamil journalists seeking to keep open a channel of independent information and told us about the great difficulties they face trying to denounce the current situation . Among the recommendations, then, is to establish a commission independent investigation and a UN special rapporteur that shed light on what happened and responsibilities of all parties to the conflict.

Now what happens? Colombo has already answered the charges and returned to the sender crying in the plot. But by the international community, given the heavy charges made against particular countries, there has already been some feedback?

's still too early. Now we have to decide what strategy to adopt. We will send our report to the competent international bodies, surely the Council for Human Rights, and try to understand how the council could make them the subject of discussion on the agenda. More than convictions, the document contains the recommendations. The aim is to produce something concrete and constructive out of the impasse and ensure that the international community to take commitments against Tamil civilians.


also appeared on the manifest